This report has been drawn up by Edward John Baptista
das Neves MacRae, Ph.D., lecturer
in anthropology at the Faculty of Philosophy and Human Sciences -Federal University
of Bahia-FFCH/UFBa and associate researcher at the
Centre for the Study and Therapy of Drug Abuse- Federal University of Bahia-CETAD/UFBa.
This report has been
prepared on the request of Adele van der Plas, lawyer and legal counsel of the
Santo Daime churches in the
The
questions that have been put to me are:
-What are the possible health and
safety issues involved?
-What is the danger that the
ritual religious use of ayahuasca in Santo Daime rituals may present to the
public?
-What are the similarities between
the religious use of ayahuasca in Santo Daime rituals in
-What are the possibilities of
illicit diversions of the brew?
-What is its relation to the drug
problem?
-What is your appreciation of
Prof. De Wolff´s report?
I
am Edward John Baptista das
Neves MacRae, Ph.D., lecturer in anthropology at the
Faculty of Philosophy and Human Sciences -Federal University of Bahia-FFCH/UFBa and associate researcher at the Centre for
the Study and Therapy of Drug Abuse- Federal University of Bahia-CETAD/UFBa.
Also, I was recently appointed to the expert panel set up by
General Alberto Cardoso, head of SENAD, the Brazilian
National Antidrug Office, to help draw up a proposal
for a national drug policy. This
appointment, which is independent of my research regarding the Santo Daime, was
made owing to my longstanding work on the social and cultural aspects of drug
use and on the prevention of abuse.
I, Edward John Baptista das Neves MacRae, solemnly affirm
the truth of the matters set forth below.
In order to answer questions regarding the ritual use of the
ayahuasca brew by the Santo Daime Church in Brazil and the possible
implications of its use in the Netherlands I have reviewed the existing
anthropological literature on the subject, including my own works and field
notes. I am mainly interested in the subject from the point of view of drug
policy and have written books and scientific articles from this perspective.
Therefore, the questions that have been
put to me with regard to the possible health and safety issues, the danger to
the public, the similarities in the religious use of ayahuasca in Santo Daime
rituals in Europe and in Brazil, the possibility of illicit diversions of the
brew, its relation to the drug problem,
and an appreciation of Prof. De Wolff´s toxicological
report are matters that I have been
giving much thought to over the last decade, since I began my studies on Daime
and other entheogens (psychoactive plants used for
religious and sacred purposes).
Since 1987 I have been involved in Brazilian official drug
prevention programs both at State and Federal levels. In this regard my main
activities have been concerned with drug prevention among young adults,
including issues such as distribution of illicit drugs and curbing HIV
infection among injecting drug users. For some years now my academic research
interest has also included the religious use of psychoactive substances and I
have studied in special detail and in loco, the use of ayahuasca in the
Santo Daime services both in Brazil and in Europe (in Spain, Holland, Germany,
France and Italy). The issue of the
religious use of psychoactive plants had never been a very important question
from the point of view of national drug policy. This is because on no occasion
had this ever presented any major problem to public health or to the
maintenance of law and order, until approximately 15 years ago when certain
religions whose major centres were in the Amazon
expanded and began to emerge in the cities.
A number of public
inquiries have been held into this matter
due to the apparently odd status of the legal use of this substance in a
country that follows quite closely the Vienna Convention protocols on the
control of illicit drug use and trafficking.
As an anthropologist, I have been particularly struck by the
arguments presented by important theoretical thinkers on the drug question,
such as Norman Zinberg, in the
“ I contended, first, that
in order to understand what impels someone to use an illicit drug and how that
drug affects the user, three determinants must be considered: drug (the
pharmacological action of the substance itself), set (the attitude of the
person at the time of use, including his personality structure) and setting
(the influence of the physical and social setting within which the use occurs).
Of these three determinants, setting had received the least attention and
recognition; therefore, it was made the focus of the investigation. Thus the
second hypothesis, a derivative of the first, was that it is the social
setting, through the development of sanctions and rituals, that brings the use
of illicit drugs under control
The use of any drug
involves both values and rules of conduct (which I have called social
sanctions) and patterns of behavior (which I have called social rituals); these
two together are known as informal social controls. Social sanctions define
whether and how a particular drug should be used...Social rituals are the
stylized, prescribed behavior patterns surrounding the use of a drug....”
(Norman
E. Zinberg, M.D., Yale University Press, 1984).
Thus, in my research among drug users, I have usually tried
to detect the existence of these social sanctions and social rituals and
examine their operation. In my studies of the Daime, this
lead me initially to study the founder of the movement, the Black rubber
tapper Raimundo Irineu Serra,
who lived in the Territory of Acre, in the Brazilian Amazon region. It was he
who, in the second decade of the twentieth century, after being introduced to
the ayahuasca brew by an Indian shaman, began a long process of making its use
compatible with Christian values and beliefs.
Ayahausca is a tea that is brewed
from a mixture of Psychotria viridis leaf which contains the indole alkaloid N,N-dimethyltryptamine (DMT-a psychoactive chemical) and the Banisteriopsis caapi vine, which contains
certain alkaloids known as beta-carbolines. DMT, the
specific alkaloid often thought to be most responsible for the psychoactive
effects of ayahuasca, is not active when taken orally, because it is digested
by the enzyme monoamineoxidaze (MAO) commonly found
in the stomach. The combination of DMT and the MAO inhibiting beta-carbolines to be found in the brew renders the DMT active
and produces the characteristic psychoactive effects.
Substituting the ambiguous traditional shamanic power ethic,
"Mestre Irineu”, as he was commonly known, introduced the Christian values
of unconditional love for one’s neighbors and the veneration of Catholic
saints. As for the ayahuasca brew which he renamed Daime or Santo Daime (Holy
Daime), he likened it to the Christian sacrament, considering it to be “ The Blood of Christ”.
Acre was very sparsely inhabited
at that time and was yet to undergo the process of colonization that has now
made it into an integral part of the Brazilian nation. Some anthropologists
argue that the doctrine spread by “Mestre Irineu”, played a key role in the
transition from life in the isolation of the forest to urban conviviality,
undergone by the local population after the end of the rubber boom. As such the
Santo Daime doctrine is an integral element in Acrean
culture, even though today most of its inhabitants may nominally profess to be
Catholic.
Mestre Irineu´s contribution to a
more Westernized use of ayahuasca included the development of a series of new
rituals he received in visions, involving the sacramental use of Daime,
displaying again a marked Christian influence, although certain Indian and
African characteristics are also to be detected. They vary according to the
occasion and may be celebratory “hymnals”, meditational
“concentrations”, exorcisms, “healing works” funeral “masses” and the
“makings”, during which the sacrament is ritually prepared. The Church doctrine can be roughly described
as Catholicism modified by indigenous and African influences. The hymns of the Church are conceived of as
having been received by Mestre Irineu from God and are remarkably similar to
the hymns sung in a Catholic Church.
They reflect a belief in Jesus Christ as the Savior and speak to all of
the traditional Catholic values and social standards. My report includes as an
exhibit the Hinário of Padrinho Sebastião Mota de Melo, the successor of Mestre Irineu. By way of comparison to a traditional
Catholic ceremony, the Santo Daime "works" all begin
with the Lord’s Prayer and the "Hail Mary." And every ceremony ends with the following
prayer:
In the name of God, the
Father,
Of the Sovereign Virgin
Mother
Of Our Lord Jesus
Christ,
Of the Patriarch Saint
Joseph
And all the Divine
Beings
Of the Celestial Court
Under the orders of
Our Imperial Master
Juramidam
Our work is closed.
My brothers and my
sisters
Praised be God in the
heights
So that She be always
praised,
Our Mother Most Holy
Mary,
Over the whole of
Humanity
The Church rituals,
which are invariably accompanied by the singing of hymns containing a strong
Catholic imagery, frequently involve communal dancing. They are very structured
affairs, with fixed steps and during which everyone keeps to predetermined places,
with a rigid separation according to sex and age group. The emphasis on
self-control, found throughout the Daime ceremonies, has led anthropologists to
consider them to be “rituals of order”, promoting group and hierarchical
cohesion and a search for spiritual harmony both within and without. This order
is maintained through the observance of what Zinberg
would call a series of
“social rituals.”
Although, from a pharmacological point of view, Daime
contains potent psychoactive agents, such as DMT and other alkaloids, the
historical use made of it by these religious organizations establishes that
there is no evidence that it leads to ill results, as attested by recent
medical studies of long time users. This is probably due, at least in some
measure, to the strict ritual control built around this practice and to the
fact that the brew is not taken extraritually.
Every Daime ritual or “work” is thought to be an opportunity
for learning and healing and for the indoctrination of the spirits present
either in the “ material” or in the “astral” planes. As mentioned, there are
different rituals for different occasions or different needs but they all
involve taking the brew and entering into an altered state of consciousness in
a Christian religious social and physical setting designed to contain and guide
the experience.
Many factors contribute
to this, such as:
a) dietary and behavioral prescriptions involving, for example,
abstinence from alcoholic beverages, that must be observed during the three days that
precede and follow the taking of the
drink, setting the stage for an unusual event that escapes the daily routine.
b) hierarchical social organization in which a "padrinho"(church elder or leader) conducts the service
with the help of assistants whose duties
are not dissimilar to those performed by ushers meeting the needs of the
congregates
c) control of the dosage of the
drink taken by participants.
d) ritual spatial organization and
ritual structure control. There is a central table\altar where the double armed
Cross of Caravacca and other religious symbols mark
the sacred nature of the event. All those taking part are given a specific
place in the room, usually in a rectangle formation drawn on the ground, where
they must remain, grouped by sex, age, and, in certain more traditional areas,
sexual status (virgins and non-virgins).
Generally,
sober white and green or white and blue uniforms of a modest cut stress the
unity of the group and help maintain a mood of religious ritual seriousness. The
service is highly prescribed, involving a combination of simple dance steps.
The singing of hymns and the movements of those taking part are also rigidly
prescribed and one of the main duties of the assistants is to ensure the
maintenance of the ritual order and the recommended postures such as the raised
heads and relaxed and immobile arms and legs that considered most appropriate
for the seated “works”
One of the most important ritual elements is the music sung
and played during most of the ceremonies. This helps harmonize the group,
through marked rhythms and voices in unison. The ritual use of music harks back
to ancient shamanic customs from which the ceremonial taking of ayahuasca
originates. Singing and the use of percussion instruments with a strong,
repetitive beat, are powerful aids and are thought to
act as a way of invoking spirits. The words of the “hymns” which invoke common
Catholic themes such as reverence of Christ, and the teachings of peace and
love direct the focus of the ritual experience in the desired direction of
invoking spiritual and personal insights and communion with God. They also
assist in mitigating any discomfort associated with the ingestion of the tea.
The hymns also help the participants to interpret the
experiences they have during the services. They help to create connections
between the lived experiences and the spiritual or mythical symbols with which
they become invested, which is of great importance promoting the cohesiveness
of the ceremony for all who attend .The Catalan anthropologist Josep Maria Fericgla, working on the Indian use of
ayahuasca, like his British counterpart Victor Turner, considers that this is a
psychic or spiritual function of symbols which was lost by Western societies
when they abandoned their traditional ways of organizing unconscious drives and
of using
these “sources of renovation” for individual and collective
benefit.(Fericgla 1989:13).
Norman Zinberg´s model of
controlled drug use for dealing with issues of drug and alcohol abuse, emphasized
the important role played by social sanctions and social rituals that reinforce
given sets of values, rules of conduct and standardized ways of producing,
consuming and dealing with effects (Zinberg
1984:5). Zinberg's
model can be viewed not simply as a model, but rather as standard for defining
or redefining the underlying assumptions regarding "drug use." Thus, to the extent that certain substances
are considered "drugs" when used under a given set of circumstances,
and as "non drugs" in other circumstances, the drinking of the Daime
tea as the sacrament of this religion would be the classic example of the
"non drug" use. {As noted in the CONFEN Report cited below}. The purpose for which Daime is taken, the
ritualistic and highly structured ceremonies which are focused on Christian
doctrine with indigenous nuances, together ensure that the social taboos that
accompany the typical drug user, do not, in this case, pertain in any
manner.
More recently, the Dutch anthropologist Jean-Paul Grund,
carrying out research among heroin and cocaine users in the Netherlands,
further developed Zinberg's theory by proposing what
he calls a "feedback model of drug use self-regulation" that may help
us establish the demarcation between what is common called a "drug"
and a sacramental use of plants that contain psychoactive properties. His model
takes into account two further elements: the availability of the substance and
life structure (Grund 1993:247). The Daime and other ayahuasca using religious
organizations seem good examples of these models. Not only do they also adopt
ritual procedures for the taking of the brew that fulfill all the prerequisites
laid out by Zinberg, but they also regulate their
followers access to the substance and provide them with doctrinal guidance on
the structuring of their lives, the controlling elements Grund added to his model.
During Mestre Irineu´s lifetime
and after his death, in 1971, some of his early followers embarked on new
paths. Amazonian rubber tappper, Sebastião Mota de Melo, better known as Padrinho Sebastião, who after Mestre Irineu´s demise chose to become autonomous introduced some
new elements of his own revelations
to the doctrine. Unlike the other Daime leaders, he was very welcoming towards
young newcomers from outside the Amazon area. As a result, a number of centers
were then set up in the southern metropolis and the size of the congregations
increased. More recently, especially in the 90´s, Santo Daime churches following
Padrinho Sebastião´s spiritual line began to be set
up abroad and are now to be found in many South American and European
countries, in the United States and Japan.
When
they were originally set up these Santo Daime churches played an important role
in helping migrants from the forest adapt and integrate into their new urban
environment. Nowadays, however, a great part of the new followers come from a
different socio-cultural background. They are, generally speaking, young adults
with secondary or university level education and with lower middle-class
incomes. Although they may face different problems from those of the rubber tappers newly arrived in the city, who made up the bulk of
the original members; they have their
own adaptation and existential problems. In Brazil today the young of all
classes are dealing with the
consequences of the modern social
and economic world where a greatly diminished emphasis is placed on traditional
religion and its cohesive value.
Young people have to cope with the very quick cultural
changes occurring around them with regard to the sexual and work ethics as well
as the breakdown of traditional family organization and values. In the face of this somewhat hostile milieu,
belonging to such a religious group provides them with a sense of social,
psychological and spiritual identity, which for many are
very familiar and similar to their very early indoctrination to traditional
Christian doctrine.
The disciplined use of Daime also provides congregates with a safe, well mapped route to the
kind of transcendental spiritual experience
that many people seem to be searching for in the compulsive use of alcohol and
drugs. Thus, taking part in these religious groups tends to be a particularly
effective way of dealing with alcoholism and drug addiction. In this regard,
rather than trying to forbid any kind of induced alteration of consciousness,
the Daime allows certain experiences of the kind. But at the same time it
provides a powerful structuring religious framework within which the congregate
may work through personal and difficult life issues in a safer setting. One
could, quite appropriately say that the Santo Daime religious doctrine and
practice is intrinsically a very
desirable and effective harm
reduction methodology which has shown itself to be of great social and
psychological value to the congregates.
As long as the use of Daime was confined to the distant Amazonian region it was ignored by the
metropolis-oriented Brazilian authorities and opinion makers. However, the
spread of the Santo Daime church and another church [the União do Vegetal that
also holds Ayahuasca as its sacrament] among
the urban middle class youth soon called official attention. In 1986, pending
further studies, the government decided to ban the use of ayahuasca. However
the study group officially appointed, by the Federal Narcotics Council –CONFEN,
to look into the matter, after six months research produced a paper calling for
the repeal of the ban on a nationwide level. Among other arguments, they
pointed out that no damage to health had been proven to be caused by the use of
the brew and that the members of the different religious groups had been found
to be orderly and to lead their lives according to the accepted social values.
In 1992 CONFEN set up another study group to update the
previous conclusions, new visits were made to the ayahuasca using religious
communities and further interviews were carried out with their leaders and
members. Leading medical researchers, as well as social scientists, were also
consulted. The final report produced by the group confirmed the recommendations
made in the previous one that the religious use of the brew ought to remain
legal, although a new inquiry might be set up, should new evidence point to the
illegitimate use of ayahuasca. There was also a call for the various
ayahuasca-using bodies to set up joint commissions to draw up a common set of
guidelines that might govern the different ritual uses of the brew.
Returning to the question with regard to the possible health
and safety issues, the danger to the public, the possibility of illicit
diversions of the brew and its relation to the drug problem, the following is a
summary of my views:
As for the health safety issues involved in the use of Daime
or ayahuasca, several studies have
already been conducted both by Brazilian and foreign scientists pointing out
the relative harmlessness of the brew to the organism (Andrade et al. 1995, Aranha et al. 1991,Callaway et
al.1994, Costa et al. 1995, Grob et al. 1996, Mackenna
et al. 1998).
Similarly, the inquiries
held by CONFEN as well as other anthropological research have shown that those
persons who take the tea in the limited context of the religious rituals
described herein, are particularly abiding to the basic values of traditional
Brazilian society. The case of the Daime community Ceu
do Mapia, in the heart of the Amazonian rain forest,
is a striking example of this. The whole area is renowned for the poverty of
its inhabitants and for its lawlessness; yet this community, in spite of its
own poverty, is an oasis of tranquility and order, where the problems of
drunkenness, violence and prostitution, endemic in the region, are virtually
unknown. Ceu do Mapia, in
fact, acts as a refuge for many trying to escape the surrounding misery and its
leaders are widely respected for their kindness and wisdom.
Since the early 90´s,
Santo Daime services have been held regularly in Europe, under the organization
of European citizens but counting with the ritual supervision of Amazonian Santo Daime
leaders. These services follow as closely as possible the Brazilian models, the
only significant difference relating to the use of the local language, instead
of Portuguese. Thus it is safe to affirm that the same safeguards that apply to
the religious use of ayahuasca in Santo Daime services in Brazil apply in the
European context as well.
The possibilities of diversion of the brew from its ritual
purposes are quite small. As already mentioned, Daime is likened to the Holy
Sacraments of the Roman Catholic Church, and considered to be an object of
veneration in itself. The access to it is a jealously preserved prerogative of
a small body of veterans and subject to great communal vigilance. In addition,
from the moment of the initial gathering of the vines and leaves that make up the tea, to its preparation and actual brewing,
the handling and stocking of the
ingredients and of the final product are surrounded by several taboos. Even the
shipment of Daime to the different extra-Amazonian churches is a matter of
great spiritual concern and care and serious efforts are made to ensure that it
is never left unguarded. In this environment it is very difficult for anyone to
try to adulterate it, for instance, since the Santo Daime followers believe
that even a drop of water, added outside the ritual, is enough to rob it of its
sacredness.
I am familiar with the process for maintaining control over
the Daime manufacture, distribution, exporting and accounting to ensure that it
is not diverted to an illicit use in Brazil or abroad. The brew
masters keep detailed records of every batch of tea that is brewed. The tea is labeled and kept in a guarded
locked building in Mapia. Whenever there is a shipment to another
church, the brew masters record the exact amount that is being
transported. It must be remembered that
"Daime" is generally produced in "Colônia 5.000" on the
outskirts of Rio Branco or in the "Céu do Mapiá" community, in
the heart of the rain forest. From these places it is sent to the leaders of
the other churches, who have been entrusted by the head of the religious
movement with the responsibility of distributing the sacred brew. The Daime is
usually stored ceremoniously in the house of the local leader. There it may
only be handled by a few more trusted members of the local church.
Each local Church, in turn, is required to keep detailed
records regarding the number of people who attend a service and the amount of
Daime distributed at that service. This is
done for every service. There is a requirement that local records be maintained
and presented to the brew masters upon request.
Similarly, when the tea
is exported, all of the typical export documents are filed out in Brazil,
including those listing the contents of the product. When a batch is received in another country,
the Church leaders there are required to keep similar records and present
copies to Brazil periodically.
I am satisfied that the
tea is controlled in a way that renders the likelihood of it being distributed
to the illicit market virtually impossible.
Because each of the Church leaders, or someone under his/her direct
supervision, is responsible for administering the tea at services, the controls
are very effective. Indeed, it would
constitute a sacrilege for anyone to have the tea outside of the ritual
services. These controls have been more
than adequate to meet the country's drug policy expectations of ensuring that
the Daime does not make its way into the illicit markets in Brazil after more
than a decade of its legalization for Church use.
The myths that have developed regarding the use of all
psychoactive plants have generally failed to recognize that the setting
determines in large measure the label that should be applied. The traditional views that all
"drugs" are excuses to avoid real life issues and to obtain a
"pleasurable high" are descriptions which have no relationship at all
to the religious drinking of the Daime tea.
Those who lack a
serious intent tend to be pushed away by several aspects of the ceremony such
as the length and rigidity of the ceremonies; the traditional values conveyed
by the doctrine and by the hymns that are ritually sung throughout; the bitter
and foul taste of the tea and the purging or vomiting physical reactions that accompany the
taking of the brew. Yet, many who initially may have been moved by idle
curiosity find themselves touched by the ritual experience and go on to become
converted to the doctrine, opening themselves to profound changes in their
values and life styles. The traditional Indian use of ayahuasca has always been
closely associated with spiritual healing and it is quite remarkable how many
of the old Amazonian Santo Daime veterans claim to have become rid of alcoholism
thanks to their sacrament. Even among younger more urban church members there
are many who claim to have given up alcohol and cocaine abuse thanks to the
doctrine. So it seems that rather than being an object of concern, the spread
of this religion may contribute to
the diminishing of drug abuse. This would be due to the values promoted by the
doctrine which include an emphasis on the seriousness and
sacredness of the Daime experience and the teaching that the taking of Daime
ought never to be engaged in lightly. The quest for self-knowledge
and self-control must always be its paramount motivation.
It is my opinion that
from a drug policy perspective, there are no government policy objectives that
are violated by the sacramental use of Daime.
It has clearly contributed to the spiritual and psychological well being
of thousands of Brazilians who have chosen to become members of the
Church.
In a country like Brazil it is very significant that several
important Catholic leaders recognize the Santo Daime church and it has spoken
eloquently about its service to environmental and humanitarian issues and is
and is considered a full partner in inter religious organizations and
conferences in Brazil.
As for the findings presented in Prof.
De Wolff´s
toxicological report, the official English translation of which has been
submitted to my examination, as an anthropologist I have nothing to add to it and consider it
to be very fair. I was specially
impressed by his emphasis, on page 3, that the present case involves the
consumption of a compound rather than DMT alone, which leads him to, contrary
to the Terms of Reference, use the term ayahuasca in the rest of his report.
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Edward
MacRae